Nigeria enters the 2027 election cycle at a dangerous crossroads. Our economy has endured a punishing round of reforms, the long-debated fuel subsidy finally removed, exchange rate unification implemented, electricity tariffs rising steeply, and an inflationary spiral that has left households gasping for breath. Growth, we are told, is returning, but Nigerians in the markets, on the farms, in the offices, and on the streets feel little of it. The gap between official optimism and daily suffering is widening. In such an atmosphere, politics cannot be reduced to slogans or shallow debates about personalities. Nigerians must decide not only who can win but who can govern, who can deliver reforms without pushing the people beyond their limits, and who can hold together a nation that feels stretched thin.
On those terms, Atiku Abubakar stands apart as Nigeria’s best option in 2027. This is not a matter of sentimentality or blind loyalty to an old name. It is about competence, coalition-building, experience, and a credible plan for restructuring and reform. It is about who has the scars of leadership and the lessons of history to guide the country through turbulent waters. Atiku represents not novelty but maturity, not experimentation but steady hands. At this moment, Nigeria does not need another experiment; it needs a leader who knows how to govern.
The case begins with the economy because without stability and growth, all other promises collapse. Atiku’s record is well known. As Vice President from 1999 to 2007, he chaired the National Economic Council, the constitutionally mandated body tasked with coordinating economic policy between the federal government and the states. In that role, and as a central member of the reform cabinet of that period, he oversaw the first wave of serious liberalisation in modern Nigeria. It was during those years that the telecommunications sector was opened, unleashing one of the greatest economic transformations in Nigerian history. Millions of jobs and billions of dollars in private investment followed. The state monopoly in telecoms disappeared, and ordinary Nigerians moved from queuing at public phone booths to owning personal mobile phones within a decade. That shift continues to define our economy today.
Also Read:
- ADC tells Speaker not to deny the truth about Nigeria’s debt crisis
- Nigerian students embrace AI as a study partner, new Google Search trends reveal
- Nigeria draw World Cup qualifier with South Africa
- NUPENG, Dangote refinery settle rift, strike suspended
- Police rescue kidnapped Egyptian in Oyo
The same era saw bold attempts to privatise inefficient state enterprises in power, ports, aviation, and manufacturing. Not every attempt succeeded, and not every sale was clean. Critics remember controversies and Senate probes, and they are right to remind us that reform must be transparent to be trusted. But precisely because Atiku lived through both the successes and the shortcomings of that process, he is better placed than a newcomer to design reforms that avoid past mistakes. He knows what happens when vested interests fight back, when transparency is sacrificed, or when state monopolies are sold without proper oversight. Reform is never easy, but it is even more dangerous in the hands of the inexperienced.
In today’s climate, Nigeria once again sits at the crossroads of reform and hardship. The subsidy was unsustainable, yet its removal without adequate cushioning has fuelled anger and despair. Exchange rate unification was necessary, yet its messy rollout created uncertainty and drove up the cost of imports. Inflation has hurt the poor and middle class alike. A future administration cannot afford to reverse these policies, but neither can it continue to implement them with such blunt force. The challenge is to consolidate the gains while softening the pain. Atiku has long argued for precisely this balance of fiscal discipline paired with social protection and efficiency combined with compassion. His campaign blueprints in 2019 and 2023 explicitly laid out strategies for targeted transfers, public–private partnerships in infrastructure, and market reforms that protect consumers while drawing in investment.
Beyond economics lies the question of Nigeria’s very structure. Our current federal arrangement is overcentralised, sclerotic, and incapable of dealing with twenty-first century challenges. Abuja tries to do everything and ends up doing very little. Security has deteriorated, infrastructure gaps have widened, and states are too dependent on monthly allocations to innovate or take responsibility for development. Atiku has been one of the most consistent voices calling for restructuring true federalism in which states take charge of policing, taxation, and infrastructure, while the centre focuses on regulation, coordination, and national defence.
This is not an academic debate. The farmer-herder clashes that ravage the Middle Belt cannot be solved by federal fiat; they require local policing and state-driven agricultural strategies. The banditry in the North West thrives partly because state governments lack both authority and resources to confront it. The economic stagnation of states rich in natural and human resources continues because everything flows through Abuja’s bottleneck. For decades, Nigerians have spoken of restructuring as a distant aspiration. Atiku has made it a central plank of his politics. In 2027, it is not just desirable; it is existential.
Leadership, however, is not only about ideas; it is also about coalitions. Nigeria’s diversity means no president can govern with a narrow base. Our country requires leaders who can build bridges across region, religion, and party. Atiku’s career demonstrates exactly that ability. He has built alliances across the North and South, across the PDP and other parties, across old power brokers and new political movements. In 2025, when opposition figures explored the African Democratic Congress (ADC) coalition as a joint platform, Atiku was at the centre of discussions. Whether that experiment survives or not, the lesson is clear, no opposition can defeat incumbency without unity, and no unity is possible without Atiku’s participation.
Coalition-building matters even more after an election than during campaigns. To restructure Nigeria, to pass credible budgets, to reform the power sector or the security services, a president must secure the cooperation of the National Assembly and the governors. These are not tasks for lone rangers. They require a leader who has bargained, compromised, and built consensus over decades. Atiku’s record shows he can do this.
Reform with a human face is another principle that sets him apart. Nigerians have suffered not because reform is wrong, but because reform has been poorly managed. Subsidies had to go, but the savings should have been directed swiftly into visible safety nets. Exchange-rate liberalisation had to happen, but it needed to be sequenced and paired with policies to stabilise the naira. Power tariffs cannot be adjusted endlessly while households sit in darkness. Reform without cushioning feels like punishment. Atiku’s approach promises both the discipline markets demand and the relief citizens deserve.
No discussion of Nigeria’s future is complete without security. For more than a decade, the country has battled insurgency, banditry, kidnapping, and violent crime, with results that are mixed at best. Centralisation has failed. A federal police force cannot effectively secure a country of over 200 million people with vast terrain and localised conflicts. Atiku’s restructuring agenda includes empowering states to establish their own police forces under federal regulation. This would bring security closer to the people and create accountability where it is needed. His own history shows he has the courage to resist divisive populism; during the early 2000s, when some northern states rushed to impose full sharia jurisdictions, Atiku publicly opposed it, warning of the dangers to national unity. In today’s climate of polarisation, that kind of courage is invaluable.
Critics, of course, raise familiar objections. They say Atiku has run too many times, that he belongs to the old guard, that his record is not spotless. These points are not without merit. But they miss the larger truth. Nigeria’s greatest disappointments in recent years have not come from recycled politicians; they have come from inexperienced leaders who mistook slogans for strategy. Experience is not a liability; it is an asset, provided it is coupled with a willingness to recruit technocrats and empower them. That was the secret of the Obasanjo’s economic team, which delivered debt relief and fiscal reforms. It can be repeated if Atiku surrounds himself with credible professionals. On the question of past privatisation controversies, the solution is transparency, open bidding, independent valuation, public audits, and performance monitoring. Nigerians are not opposed to reform; they are opposed to cronyism.
What, then, would an Atiku presidency look like in its first 180 days? The agenda is clear and realistic. First, publish a transparent timetable for clearing foreign exchange backlogs and stabilising the naira, coupled with a rules-based framework for FX auctions to build market confidence. Second, expand targeted relief through digital cash transfers, school feeding, and agricultural support, ensuring that the poorest households feel immediate benefit from subsidy savings. Third, move boldly on power by concessioning the transmission grid under strict performance contract while supporting distribution companies to reduce losses. Fourth, submit constitutional amendments to enable state policing, with federal oversight to ensure standards and prevent abuse. Fifth, launch a visible anti-corruption drive focused not on grandstanding but on systemic reform, mandatory digital asset declarations, beneficial ownership registers for contractors, and quarterly public scorecards on reforms.
These are not utopian dreams. They are practical, achievable steps that can be taken from day one, sending the right signals to citizens, investors, and partners alike. They show that reform can be disciplined, transparent, and people-centred.
Ultimately, the 2027 election is not a contest of personalities but of competence. Nigeria cannot endure another four years of ad-hoc experiments. We do not need a messiah figure promising miracles. We need a reformer who knows how to reform, a coalition-builder who can govern, and a leader who understands that unity and competence not slogans will determine Nigeria’s survival. Atiku Abubakar has the scars, the networks, and the vision to do just that. He is not perfect, but perfection is not on the ballot. What is on the ballot is survival, stability, and the possibility of real growth
In 2027, Nigerians will face a choice. They can reward slogans, gamble on the untested, or resign themselves to drift. Or they can choose competence, experience, and coalition-building. They can choose a leader who has learned from history and is prepared to reshape the future. They can choose Atiku Abubakar as the best chance for stability, reform, and growth in Nigeria’s next chapter. The choice is clear, drift or direction, despair or reform, chaos or competence. In 2027, competence means Atiku.
Osa Umweni, a political analyst, writes from Lagos.
